فصلنامه مطالعات روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 60 (زمستان 1401)

As the Rouhani administration began its nuclear negotiations with the P5+1, disagreements against various issues, in addition to making it difficult to reach an agreement, prolonged the process. Many NGOs and think tanks offered suggestions on nuclear negotiations and resolving these differences. The International Crisis Group was one of these NGOs that was able to mediate and make recommendations to the parties to the negotiation process and, in the event of a failure of the negotiations, make recommendations that would be reviewed and sometimes accepted by governments, especially the Rouhani administration. Nin Process ultimately led to the Joint Action Plan Agreement (JCPOA) between the parties.This descriptive-explanatory study seeks to answer the question whether there has been coordination with the mechanisms of the International Crisis Group in some strategic decisions of rouhani's government in the domestic and foreign spheres. The resources of this study have been collected in a library. The results show that there is a consistency between the mechanisms and proposals presented by the International Crisis Group and some of the policies and decisions made by rouhani's government. Insistence on accepting some of the JCPOA provisions, such as reducing enrichment volumes, accepting agency inspectors' oversight of nuclear facilities, and some post-JCPOA proposals such as the approval of the F.A.T.F. or prisoner exchanges, etc. This has been in line with the group's recommendations to Rouhani's government.

The exit of U.S. troops from Afghanistan in August 2021 was made by the government of Joe Biden, which was preceded by the Doha Agreement on February 29, 2020 between Donald Trump and the Taliban with the official title of "Peace Agreement to Afghanistan." The end of the 20-years US military presence in Afghanistan has challenged international relations researchers with the crucial question of what consequences the military pullout of the United States and its allies will have for other actors active in the Middle East, Central and West Asia? And what aspects of their national interests will be affected? Amongst these players is the Russian Federation, that Afghanistan's proximity to Central Asia, as Moscow's traditional sphere of influence, could lead to new crises, including the expansion of Islamic fundamentalism to the national interests of this country. Therefore, the main question of this present paper is that what are the negative consequences of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan on Russia's national interests in Central Asia? The main assumption of this paper is that the central Asian region should be considered the center of the world crisis in the future as the most prone region for the growth of Islamic fundamentalism, which will destroy the region's security dynamics and confront Russia to new security threats. The authors try to prove their hypothesis in this paper by applying Regional security complex theory.

War and diplomacy are two tools of power management in the international arena. It is clear that diplomacy is a tool that, with the support of the components of power, can lead to the consolidation and education of national interests. One of the most important sources of power behind diplomacy is semantic and discourse power. Resistance is the main discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the regional and supra-regional level, and the diplomacy of the resistance, backed by the power of this discourse, seeks to ensure the national interests of the Islamic Republic in various international developments, including the Syrian crisis. Explaining the dimensions and results of diplomacy of the resistance of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Syrian crisis is the main question of the present study. The findings of this study indicate that resistance diplomacy in the Syrian crisis has theoretical and practical dimensions and with the support of field power has established and studied the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Documentary method and in-depth interviews with the executive elites of the foreign policy of the country have been used to collect the data of this research and descriptive-analytical method has been used to analyze the data.

Iran and China as two important and influential countries in the international system, have common interests and goals to expand cooperation in various fields. China's various capabilities, especially in the political and economic fields, have made this country an important activist in the field of international politics.The signing of the 25-year comprehensive cooperation document between Iran and China in April 2021 has been met with a lot of positive and negative opinions. Considering the recent regional developments, the China-US dispute, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the acceptance of Iran's official membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the effects and consequences of the spread of the Corona virus and the changes in global value chains and the direction of investments, the power structure in the system. The international community will most likely change in the next few years, and in this regard, adopting a suitable strategy in relations with China is one of the most important goals and priorities of Iran's foreign policy.In fact, in the era of complex interdependence, China has a high capacity and ability to strengthen the current development process in Iran, and therefore, in the upcoming article, we are seeking to find out the fields and requirements of achieving the goals of the comprehensive document of 25 years of cooperation between Iran and China from a political and economic point of view, executive and development-oriented within the framework of the theory of complex interdependence to investigate and feasibility.

According to the evolution of the global political economy, proper understanding of the foreign policy category of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an oil-based government and its relationship with the economic system is doubly important. Cox's votes seem to provide a good platform for understanding how this relates to us. The present article raises the key question of what effect does foreign policy have on the reproduction of the oil-based production system in the Islamic Republic of Iran? According to Cox's views, it seems that the structure of oil-based production, by establishing social relations of production and government configuration, has a fundamental impact on the formation of foreign policy in Iran, and in contrast, the action of foreign policy with its policies to It reproduces this economic system. In on this basis, the hypothesis of this study is that the action of foreign policy in Iran in the continuation of social relations of production, has sought to reproduce the structure of production and monopolize the government's use of oil resources. the purpose of this article is understanding the relationship between foreign policy and the oil-based production system in Iran, so it forms an exploratory research based on a retroductive strategy.The findings of the paper, with the emphasis on the Cox's views, show that the interests and tendencies of the dominant classes and social forces in oil-based social relations production in the Islamic Republic of Iran have a fundamental impact on foreign policy action in reproducing the oil-based economic system.

During the last four decades of the existence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the relationship with the Russian Federation has always been one of the priorities of Iran's foreign policy. Deciphering the reason for the continuation of deep political and economic relations between the two countries has always been one of the concerns of international relations researchers. Despite the ideological confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation and the deep ties between Russia and Israel and the level of diplomatic relations between these two countries, How Russia has been able to bring these relations to a strategic level with Iran. The purpose of the current research is to answer this basic question: what is the balancing policy of Iran and Russia towards the United States of America from the point of view of Kent Waltz? This research has been used with a descriptive and analytical method and inspired by the theory of the balance of forces of Kent Waltz in the analysis of the relations between Iran and Russia. The results of the current research show that Russia, by emphasizing its common interests with Iran, has developed cooperative models in the regulation of bilateral relations. He has engaged in various military, political and economic cooperations and has chosen the best approach towards this tactical ally.

The world's Jewish population is estimated at 15 million, 85% of whom live in the United States and the Occupied Territories. Although Zionism and Judaism are not equal; because some Jews are political anti-Zionists and some non-Jews are also Zionists; However, Jews are the dominant aspect of Zionism. Jews do not have a single identity. The main question of the article is: What is the view of the American Jews and the Jews living in the occupied territories of Palestine towards the ideals of Zionism? The hypothesis of the article is formulated using the results of the Pew Survey Institute as follows: Jews living in America and the occupied territories, due to their identity sources and different life experiences, have different views in terms of believing in the ideals of Zionism, adhering to the beliefs and rituals of Judaism, and the performance of the Zionist regime.This difference of opinion has led to a variety of political actions, including a reduction in the immigration of American Jews to the Occupied Territories. International Zionism, while tacitly acknowledging this difference, sees Jewish influence in American and even world politics as complementary to the migration of Jews from other parts of the world to the occupied territories, and seeks to reduce these differences. The main purpose of this article is to open a new direction in Zionist studies and to explain the real gaps between the Jewish communities, especially the United States, and the Occupied Territories, and to make policy recommendations in this regard.

Because of its profound competition with the United States of America, China is one of the few countries in the world that has a positive view of the Taliban’s rising power in Afghanistan. It considers the Taliban's rise to power as a means for undermining the role and influence of the United States in Asia and a suitable ground for the implementation of the Silk Road Initiative which is part of China’s Soft Balance against the United States. It is important to note that through the Silk Road initiative, China is looking for large investments in the infrastructures of more than sixty-five countries in the world in order to secure its strategic interests in various fields including economic ones. Because of its being faced with regional and global isolation, the Taliban is apt to strongly welcome relations with the emerging China as a superpower. Based on this, the main question of the article is this: To what extent is Chine’s approach toward the Taliban's gaining power in Afghanistan influenced by its competition with the United States over the implementation of the Silk Road initiative? In response to the above question, it is hypothesized and argued that the Chinese government considers the Taliban’s rise to power as an opportunity to advance the Silk Road initiative and, as a result, a basis for expanding its role and influence in the Central Asian region against the United States’ role and presence. The research method used in this article is descriptive-analytic.